Congress Mob enews – Budget Update

14 05 2013

14 May 2013

Federal Budget  2013

Four quick highlights from Congress Budget watch

Health: $777 million commitment to the National Partnership Agreement in health.

Congress, our members and our Close the Gap partners will continue to work with the Federal, State and Territory governments to secure a national agreement and to implement the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Plan. Our Peoples health must be quarantined from cuts and given long term commitments to see real improvements.

The funding for the Australia’s National Institute for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Research, The Lowitja Institute, has been confirmed – $25 million over five years.

Education:  9.8 billion Gonski funding.

Congress welcomes the extra money from this funding for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students.

The extra funding for the Indigenous Youth Leadership Program (11.9 million over 4 years) will help improve retention rates and we also note the funds for the Australian Indigenous Education Foundation (10 million).

Justice: $12 million extra over 2 years for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Legal Services.

Congress welcomes the commitment to each of our ALS member organisations.

The budget however has not delivered a clear commitment to Justice Reinvestment programs or the proposed Justice targets for Closing the Gap.

National Representative Body: The government has also made a clear commitment to working with Congress and ensuring our role as a strong independent representative body is maintained.

Congress funding continues until 2017 with an allocation of $15 million over 3 years.

Look out for more budget highlights and analysis tomorrow.





An Important Message from Brian Butler

27 04 2013
From the National whip around from my connections who keep me up to date on what’s happening in their communities, there seems to be an awful lot of lateral violence happening today.
I want to tell everyone what I believe in, and what I believe in comes from the great Spirit and was handed down to me from my wise ancestors and I am sharing because I believe that everyone needs to know about it.
I believe that nothing in Aboriginal and Islander (including the Torres Strait) peoples lives will improve or change for the better unless all of our National Language Groups agree to sign on and commit to Lateral Love.
Without Lateral Love there will be nothing by hate and violence, greed and domination within and towards our people.
I shudder when I hear about babies, children and Elders going without food, or medication being taken from the frail to satisfy other peoples habits.
I hope each and every one of you thinks seriously about these words and can take action in your own way.
Let me know what you can do to get this positive movement operating right across Australia and throughout the world!

Yours in Unity through Lateral Love & Spirit of Care for all Humankind,

 

Brian Butler

Mobile: 0419 801 085

Email: lateralloveaustralia@bigpond.com or brian.butler@nationalcongress.com.au

Website: http://www.lateralloveaustralia.com

“The Decade of Lateral Love Around the World 2012 – 2022″

“Zero Tolerance to Lateral Violence & Racism”





Rally the Nation!

23 04 2013

 

 

 

 

 

Exercise your rights to True Democracy and Aboriginal Governance!





Out & About – HETA launches the only Employment Services specifically for Aboriginal and Islander people living with disability in South Australia

16 04 2013

Minister for Employment Participation and Minister for Early Childhood and Child Care, The Honourable Kate Ellis attended the launch of the HETA Employment Services specifically for Aboriginal and Islander (including the Torres Strait) people living with disability.

Heta provides support and services to people who are disadvantaged and who generally want to be active in their community:

  • Support and Services could be: counselling, assessment, case management, training, volunteer support, or workplace support.
  • Disadvantage could be: financial, cultural, intellectual, physical, emotional or just not getting what you need!
  • Activity could be: employment, volunteering or self-employment.

Heta is an approved Skills for All Training Provider delivering Certificates II in Horticulture, Retail, Business and Customer Contact. At Heta we also deliver Disability Employment Services (DES), New Enterprise Incentive Scheme (NEIS) Small Business Development, Indigenous Employment Services, Assessment Services, Corporates4Communities.

http://www.heta.com.au/

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Brian Butler – Co-founder & Director of Lateral Love Australia and Director for Chamber 3 of the National Congress of Australia’s First People talking about the importance of ensuring cultural safety and in implementing lateral violence training for all the people involved in programs for Aboriginal and Islander people. Especially in regard to increasing and strengthening the support for the workers who are ultimately supporting our Aboriginal and Islander people and enabling the success stories like the ones we heard today from HETA.

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Peter Rawson from HETA with The Hon. Kate Ellis and Brian Butler

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The Hon. Kate Ellis with HETA’s Leah McLay

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Michelle Walker with Brian Butler

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The Hon. Kate Ellis, Michelle Walker and Brian Butler

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DEEWR’s Kerry Bray with Brian Butler

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Chair of the HETA Board Sandra Dann with Brian Butler





Recommended Resources – The Stringer – Independent News, Investigative Journalism

5 04 2013

Butler calls for an end to the tyranny of our youth seeking Confirmation of Aboriginality

April 5th, 2013

Brian Butler - Photo, Lateral Love Australia

Brian Butler – Photo, Lateral Love Australia

Brian Butler yesterday posted on Lateral Love Australia the following message calling on the National Congress of Australia’s First People to address a dire situation for our youth:

“I am at my wits end! I have reached my tether at the almost daily request for support from our young Aboriginal and Islander (including the Torres Strait) youth who are continually experiencing rejection from Aboriginal Organisations when they are seeking Confirmation of Aboriginality.

The young people this is happening to are the current children of the stolen generations and their grandchildren.

It must stop Now!

Today I will be placing an AGENDA ITEM to the National Congress of Australia’s First Peoples (NCAFP) for immediate action to ensure that all Aboriginal children are, at birth, given their proof of Aboriginality.

This is the only way we will see this practice of control and rejection through lateral violence at the hands of Aboriginal Organisations halted in its tracks.” Brian Butler Anti-Lateral Violence Campaigner

Historian, John McCorquodale, reported that since the time of white settlement, governments have used no less than 67 classifications, descriptions or definitions to determine who is an Aboriginal person (1).

Are Aboriginal Organisations taking this approach too far and in some cases, causing further damage to our own people at our own hand? This would be a form of Lateral Violence – a case of the oppressed doing the oppressing.

In the early 1980s, the Commonwealth Department of Aboriginal Affairs proposed a three-part definition of an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander person (2).  As still remains the current practice, the three pronged approach looks like this; An Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander is:

a)      a person of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander descent

b)      who identifies as an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander

c)       and is accepted as such by the community in which he [or she] lives or has lived.

In addition to the three pronged approach, some Confirmation of Aboriginality applications also request the following:

I do solemnly and sincerely declare that:

  • I am a Male/Female person.
  • I am known to/approved/identified by a staff/member as being an Aboriginal/Torres Strait Islander person.
  • I seek a resolution from the Board that the Board accepts my solemn declaration as to Aboriginal/Torres Strait Islander identity.

The three pronged approach has long been questioned and labelled as a racist tool in itself and many different perspectives are held across the country regarding its effectiveness.

I agree that Aboriginality needs to be confirmed in a way that ensures our kinship ties are legitimate and honourable because I am sure many readers will be aware of the cases out there – the many people who gain proof of Aboriginality when they are not ‘Aboriginal’ at all, for the sole purpose of fraudulently benefiting from the ‘Aboriginal Industry.’ These individuals should be ashamed of themselves.

But for the people Brian Butler is talking about, the members of the Stolen Generation, their children and their grandchildren, this activity continues to cause distress and anxiety, further traumatising the families that have already been torn apart by the cultural annihilation policies of child removal and assimilation.

One young woman I spoke with recently explained her ongoing predicament to me, “my father was Aboriginal but my mother wasn’t, they had a fling and that’s how I got here. Dad was taken from his family at a few months of age but he was lucky and he found his way back home as a teenager. He was well known and respected in his community but because of the way I was born, his family didn’t know about me. They just didn’t know that I existed until I was almost grown up.

Dad stayed in contact with me though. He visited me a lot and I attempted to go back to country three times to try and get to know my Dad’s family but the whole community ignored me from the moment I got there. I even look like my Dad and his sisters but they didn’t want to believe that I was his. That hurt cuts deeper now because both my mother and father have passed away and on top of that I can’t get proof of my heritage and kinship ties even though they know I belong to my father because he told them well before he died.” Name Withheld.

This young Aboriginal woman was visibly distressed talking to me about her situation. She still has had no resolution for her particular case, which is not a rare occurrence and in fact it is all too common.

She was adamant at remaining anonymous for her own safety due to the constant lateral violence experienced from members of her father’s community – for all intents and purposes, HER own family. A family she should well be feeling nurtured and consoled by during her times of loss and grieving, as her birth right. Instead this young woman continues to face exclusion, isolation and sometimes outright violence.

How many suicides have occurred due to this type of lateral violence? How many more must we endure before this shameful practice ceases?

Proof of Identity (POI) and Confirmation of Aboriginality (COA) will always be a sensitive and contentious issues but does it have to be this way?

Why did Australia “vote yes to the Aborigine” during the 1967 referendum?

It is up to us all, as a unified people, to decide if we will continue to pour further salt into the wounds dealt to us at the hands of the colonisers, or whether we will work together to seek better solutions to these demoralising situations.

I know which one I will be choosing.

ENDNOTES

1)        See Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, National Report (1991), Commonwealth of Australia, Canberra [11.12.5].

2)        Department of Aboriginal Affairs, Report on a Review of the Administration of the Working Definition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders (1981), Commonwealth of Australia, Canberra, cited in J Gardiner-Garden, The Definition of Aboriginality: Research Note 18, 2000–01 (2000) Parliament of Australia, 2.

http://thestringer.com.au/butler-calls-for-an-end-to-the-tyranny-of-our-youth-seeking-confirmation-of-aboriginality/#.UV44cncbrIU





An Important Message from Brian Butler

3 04 2013

I am at my wits end! I have reached my tether at the almost daily request for support from our young Aboriginal and Islander (including the Torres Strait) youth who are continually experiencing rejection from Aboriginal Organisations when they are seeking Confirmation of Aboriginality.

The young people this is happening to are the current children of the stolen generations and their grandchildren.

It must stop Now!

Today I will be placing an AGENDA ITEM to the National Congress of Australia’s First Peoples (NCAFP) for immediate action to ensure that all Aboriginal children are, at birth, given their proof of Aboriginality.

This is the only way we will see this practice of control and rejection through lateral violence at the hands of Aboriginal Organisations halted in its tracks.

Yours in Unity through Lateral Love & Spirit of care for all Humankind,

Brian Butler

Mobile: 0419 801 085

Email: lateralloveaustralia@bigpond.com or brian.butler@nationalcongress.com.au

Website: http://www.lateralloveaustralia.com

“The Decade of Lateral Love Around the World 2012 – 2022″

“Zero Tolerance to Lateral Violence & Racism”





APPLY – NOMINATE – VOTE

14 03 2013
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Soon you will have the chance to choose who leads and represents Congress members.

To have your say, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples can join as members.

Membership is always open and free. Click here to become a member.

Use the timetable below to plan for making applications, nominating and voting in elections for our male and female Co-Chairs or as one of our 120 delegates.

Delegates attend the annual National Congress meetings to set our priorities and the work ahead.
Congress is committed to gender equality – we have equal numbers of men and women as representatives.

All applicants and nominees must be available to attend the National Congress meeting 19-21 July 2013 in Cairns. Travel and accommodation costs will be covered by Congress.

Click here to request an information kit be posted to you.
You will also be able to download one yourself closer to the opening of applications and nominations.

#

Checklist for Nomination or Application

• Copy of valid photo ID • Good quality photo • Describe why you would be a good Congress rep • What skills and experience do you bring • If you’re not a member, simply fill out a form and submit it with your application

Click here to request an information kit be posted to you.
You will also be able to download one yourself closer to the opening of applications and nominations.
All enquiries:nominations@nationalcongress.com.au





Media Wrap-Up 13/14 March 2013

14 02 2013
PARLIAMENT VOTES FOR INDIGENOUS RECOGNITION
•       PATRICIA KARVELAS
•       The Australian
•       February 13, 2013 10:16AM
THE nation’s federal parliament has voted in favour of an historic act of recognition which commits Australia to changing the Constitution to acknowledge indigenous Australians, with Tony Abbott and Julia Gillard joining together in a momentous symbolic gesture, on the fifth anniversary of the apology to the stolen generations.
The Prime Minister paid tribute to the courage her predecessor Kevin Rudd showed in apologising to the stolen generation five years ago, saying the parliament was only able to consider constitutional change now because of Mr Rudd’s actions.
In turn, the Opposition Leader gave his strongest speech yet on the need for change, powerfully arguing that the nation has never fully made peace with the first Australians.
Arguing for constitutional change, Mr Abbott said Australia would be an incomplete nation and a torn people until the nation’s guiding document is changed.
He said Australia only had to look across the Tasman to New Zealand to see how it should have moved on reconciliation, referring to the treaty of Waitangi – a treaty signed on 6 February 1840 by representatives of the British Crown and various Maori chiefs from the north island of New Zealand.
Mr Abbott said that while parliament was fuelled by acrimony, on this issue he and the Prime Minister were partners and collaborators.
“There is much hard work to be done,” Mr Abbott said.
He said it would be difficult to find a form of recognition that satisfied everyone and did not strip other Australians of their rights.
Mr Abbott said Australia now had an opportunity to do what should have been done 200 or 100 years ago.
”We need to atone for the omissions and for the hardness of heart of our forebears to enable us all to embrace the future as a united people,” Mr Abbott said.
”We shouldn’t feel guilty about our past, but we should be determined to rise above that which now makes us embarrassed,” he said.
Both leaders acknowledged finding a form of constitution that made everybody happy would be difficult, but not impossible.
”I believe that we are equal to this task of completing our constitution rather than changing it,” Mr Abbott said.
Ms Gillard admitted she had to abandon a promise to deliver a referendum to acknowledge Indigenous Australians in the Constitution because of the “difficult and volatile times” of the current parliament, as she described Mr Kevin Rudd’s apology to the Stolen Generations as an act of “courage.”
With a referendum pushed aside for two or three years, Labor today asked the parliament to vote for its “act of recognition” as an interim measure to help build momentum for a referendum in the future.
The Bill has a two-year sunset clause to force the parliament to introduce a real referendum which changes the Constitution acknowledging the nation’s first people.
The Bill includes a statement of parliament’s commitment to pursuing constitutional recognition and a substantive statement of recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.
“We must never feel guilt for the things already done in this nation’s history. But we can and must feel responsibility for the things that remain undone,” Ms Gillard said.
“No gesture speaks more deeply to the healing of our nation’s fabric than amending our nation’s founding charter. So I commend this Bill to the House as a deed of reconciliation in its own right. And as a sign of good faith for the referendum to come. We are bound to each other in this land and always will be. Let us be bound in justice and dignity as well”.
Ms Gillard acknowledged her predecessor as prime minister for his historic apology speech.
“I’m also conscious that on this special anniversary, we acknowledge the courage that enabled Kevin Rudd to offer the apology and the generosity of spirit that enabled indigenous Australians to accept it”.
“We are only able to consider this Act of Recognition and constitutional change because the apology came first,” Ms Gillard said.
The Prime Minister acknowledged the failure of the Parliament she has presided over in reaching unity.
“At the election of 2007, it seemed the prospect of constitutional recognition was very close at hand, supported, as it was, by both major parties. But in difficult and volatile times, we have not yet found the settled space in our national conversation to make the promised referendum a reality”.
“So the government has advanced this Bill for an Act of Recognition. To assure Indigenous people that our purpose of amendment remains unbroken. And to prepare the wider community for the responsibility that lies ahead. This Bill is thus an act of preparation and anticipation. In this legislation, we, the nation’s 226 legislators will serve as proxies for Australia’s 14 million voters, bridging the time between now and referendum day,” she said.
“That is why this Bill has a sunset clause of two years. So that the 44th parliament can achieve what the 42nd and 43rd have been unable to do”.
The Prime Minister said the successful 1967 referendum which counted Indigenous Australians in the census, the people of Australia sought restitution and repair, but their work was incomplete.
“Today, a new generation dreams of finishing the job with the same idealism and the same means. Not through protests or law suits. But by this parliament summoning every Australian elector to a referendum,” she said.
The nation’s peak Indigenous representative body says the hard yards in achieving substantive constitutional reform are now just beginning.
“Today is the first test of multi-partisanship leadership, now all parties must continue to work together to achieve a referendum involving substantive reform not just symbolic recognition,” Congress Co-Chair Jody Broun said.
In a direct challenge to the words of Tony Abbott, Congress has called for constitutional reform “that protects rights and prohibits discrimination”.
“We now expect clear commitments from all sides of politics to a referendum timeframe and the concrete steps required to make it happen,” she said.
Co-Chair Les Malezer said, “Within the two years of the timeframe of the legislation all parties must work together to develop the referendum question.
“Congress will work to better inform our Peoples about these proposed reforms.
“Congress supports a persuasive, community led campaign complemented by multi-partisan support and strong leadership by the Government so that all Australians can understand and support the fundamental need for these reforms.
“Any process from here on in must ensure full participation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people,” he said.
“It will, as the Prime Minister candidly admitted, be a challenge to find a form of recognition which satisfies reasonable people as being fair to all. It won’t necessarily be straightforward to acknowledge the first Australians without creating new categories of discrimination which we must avoid, because no Australian should feel like a stranger in their own country”.
ABBOTT LAMENTS FAILURE ON TREATY
•       14 Feb 2013
•       The Australian
•       PATRICIA KARVELAS
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TONY Abbott has lamented Australia’s failure to sign a treaty between indigenous Australians and the government in his strongest declaration of support for a referendum to change the Constitution to recognise Aborigines.
But the Opposition Leader warned that his side of politics would not support change that entrenches ‘‘new categories of discrimination’’.
The federal parliament yesterday voted in favour of a historic act of recognition that commits to changing the Constitution to acknowledge indigenous Australians, with Mr Abbott and Julia Gillard joining together in a symbolic gesture, on the fifth anniversary of the apology to the Stolen Generations.
While the Prime Minister paid tribute to the ‘‘courage’’ her predecessor, Kevin Rudd, showed in apologising to the Stolen Generations, Mr Abbott said the nation could not move forward without the change to the Constitution.
For his part, Mr Rudd used a Reconciliation SA breakfast in Adelaide marking the anniversary of his speech to say constitutional recognition for Aborigines should have already been in place.
Mr Abbott revealed that division on the way the change should look is far from resolved.
He used his speech to warn that moves to include an anti-racial discrimination clause would not get his support. ‘‘It will, as the Prime Minister candidly admitted, be a challenge to find a form of recognition which satisfies reasonable people as being fair to all. It won’t necessarily be straightforward to acknowledge the first Australians without creating new categories of discrimination which we must avoid, because no Australian should feel like a stranger in their own country.’’
Arguing for constitutional change, Mr Abbott said Australia would be an incomplete nation and a torn people until the nation’s guiding document is changed.
He said Australia only had to look across the Tasman to New Zealand to see how it should have moved on reconciliation, referring to the Treaty of Waitangi, which was signed in 1840 by representatives of the British Crown and various Maori chiefs.
He said while parliament was fuelled by acrimony on this issue, he and the Prime Minister were partners and collaborators — Australia now had an opportunity to do what should have been done 200 or 100 years ago.
‘‘We need to atone for the omissions and for the hardness of heart of our forebears to enable us all to embrace the future as a united people,’’ Mr Abbott said.
‘‘We shouldn’t feel guilty about our past, but we should be determined to rise above that which now makes us embarrassed.’’
Ms Gillard admitted she had to abandon a promise to deliver a referendum to acknowledge indigenous Australians in the Constitution because of the ‘‘difficult and volatile times’’ of the current parliament.
With a referendum pushed aside for two or three years, Labor yesterday asked the parliament to vote for its ‘‘act of recognition’’ as an interim measure to help build momentum for a referendum in the future.
The bill has a two-year sunset clause to force parliament to introduce a real referendum.
The nation’s peak indigenous representative body says the hard yards in achieving substantive constitutional reform are now just beginning.
‘‘Today is the first test of multi-partisanship leadership — now all parties must continue to work together to achieve a referendum involving substantive reform, not just symbolic recognition,’’ congress co-chair Jody Broun said.
In a direct challenge to the words of Mr Abbott, congress has called for constitutional reform ‘‘that protects rights and prohibits discrimination’’.
CONSTITUTION NEEDS TO INCLUDE AUSTRALIA’S FIRST CHAPTER
February 14, 2013
Aden Ridgeway
I was born when Aboriginal people did not have the vote.
It wasn’t until I turned five that any of us were counted as citizens.
I grew up on an Aboriginal reserve, where most of the major decisions in our lives were controlled by white authorities. It can be hard, particularly for younger generations of Australians, to reconcile that such things happened so recently in our history. It seems such a far cry from where many of us are today. But I am barely into my 50s.
Things have come a long way since the 1960s. But it’s important to understand that many Aboriginal people have experienced such exclusion. This is a story of change within our lifetime.
Our task of putting these things right as a nation is not yet complete, because the constitution still does not acknowledge the existence of the first Australians. It has not yet said: yes, you were here.
It is also silent on the entire first chapter of Australia’s history. The one that reaches back tens of thousands of years and connects every Australian today – black or white – with the oldest living culture in human history.
Our founding document still contains traces of the views that allowed the first Australians to be denied a vote in our own land. Those views are there in section 25, which says the states can ban a whole race of people from voting. They are also there in the ”race power”, which lets governments make laws that can discriminate in any way against a whole race.
I abhor the fact these provisions still exist.
We need to fix this.
I am not a newcomer to this cause. The other day I came across a couple of old boxes in my garage. They contained my working papers from 1999, when Gatjil Djerrkura, Lowitja O’Donoghue and I consulted the then prime minister John Howard about the wording of a preamble to our constitution that would acknowledge the first Australians. Alas, that proposal sank along with the republic referendum.
But many indigenous Australians, and indeed Howard himself, continued to press the importance of constitutional recognition. Howard rededicated himself to the task in 2007, and it has long been the policy for parties across the political spectrum.
Constitutional recognition would allow the first chapter in the Australian story to be acknowledged and heard. It would do this not just for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people but also for everyone else, because this is part of the shared story of every Australian.
New Zealanders perform the haka before rugby matches, with Maori and white players joined in a celebration of their indigenous culture. It is my hope that we can aspire to something just as uplifting here. That starts with having a constitution that proclaims how proud we all are of our long and impressive indigenous history.
When we talk about the things that bring Australians together, this is one that ought to be on the list. It is up there along with sportsmanship, fairness, egalitarianism, democracy and being a place that embraces people from all nations. This is part of that distinctive Australian identity.
This is also about speaking three great truths.
We were always here – and the great lie of ”terra nullius” is no more.
We have not come here as immigrants – whether by the first boat or the last. And we are still here and will be in the future.
We make an enormous contribution to the modern nation and Australia’s national identity.
Wednesday’s Act of Recognition passed in Parliament, signals the determination of political leaders of all hues to support recognition of the first Australians. It does not itself trigger a referendum. But the legislation has a two-year sunset clause, which urges the nation to get cracking to create the preconditions for a successful ”Yes” vote.
I want to see that day come sooner rather than later. I want Australians to have a chance to put right the final piece of work left from the 1967 referendum, when we removed from our constitution the ban on Aboriginal people being counted as citizens.
Back then, more than 90 per cent of the people voted to count us in. Now it’s time to write us in.
Because that moment in 1967 forever changed the life of a five-year-old boy on the Bellwood Aboriginal mission at Nambucca – even if the neighbouring town of Kempsey recorded the highest ”no” vote in the country. He became a senator.
I want every five-year-old child to know not only that they now count, but also that Australia sees their culture as an enormous source of pride.
Former NSW senator Aden Ridgeway is a spokesman for Recognise, the movement to recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the constitution.
STORY DIDN’T BEGIN IN 1901
14 Feb 2013
The Australian
ADAM GILES -Adam Giles is a minister in the Northern Territory’s Country Liberal Party government.
TO know your history is to know yourself. This is why I am convinced Australia’s Constitution should take a longer view of our nation’s history. The Australian story did not begin with Federation in 1901. It began with the oldest living culture in history.
Acknowledgment of pre-settlement history would break down barriers and build us as one. Australians are over the days of us and them. We want to be at peace with our past and we can get to that point only if we can recognise our full history.
There is an implicit transaction on offer in the quest for constitutional recognition. It is the final step in what Australia began in the 1967 referendum. The rest of the nation would be saying to Aboriginal people, ‘‘We value you and your cultures’’ and Aboriginal people would be saying, ‘‘We will share this with you.’’
I confess I am a convert to this cause. I am a practical and conservative politician who has long believed in the power of jobs, education and economic development to transform lives but I have become increasingly convinced that the practical and symbolic go hand in hand.
Indigenous recognition at a referendum will give our Constitution a stronger backbone and proclaim that Aboriginal people and culture are part of who we are as a nation. You change the Constitution lightly. Ours has delivered strong, stable government . I hear those who say, ‘‘If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it’’, and previously that has been the basis of my complacency on this act of symbolism. However, in a couple of important respects, it is broken and it does need fixing. Section 25 says the states can ban a race of people from voting.
There is a proud conservative tradition of safeguarding our heritage and traditions. Constitutional recognition of our indigenous history fits squarely in that legacy. There are also proud traditions in liberal and conservative history of opposing racism, slavery and discrimination.
It was under Robert Menzies that Aboriginal people federally got the vote. It was under Harold Holt that the great moment of national unity at the 1967 referendum came about. In 1970, the Liberal Bolte government in Victoria handed back 1600ha at Lake Tyers and 200ha at Framingham to two Aboriginal trusts. It was Billy Wentworth, as Aboriginal affairs minister, who first proposed giving the Gurindji people control of their land at Wave Hill station.
The Liberals have always been part of the philosophical basis that has been symbolically formed to drive our nation. Malcolm Fraser passed the first land rights act and John Howard pushed for indigenous constitutional recognition in 1999. So, how can we continue to leave untouched the sections of our Constitution that still let governments discriminate and ban a race of people from voting?
We need a referendum that allows Australians to take away from governments the power to discriminate based on race and ensures our founding document reflects our full history as a nation. Only then can we say we truly know ourselves.
RECONCILIATION UNITES LEADERS
14 Feb 2013
The Australian
Opinion
Bipartisanship on indigenous recognition is welcome
IN a place renowned for its unyielding political combat, partisanship and policy grandstanding, the House of Representatives yesterday witnessed a rare display of unity in support of a cause entirely worthy: the passage of a bill recognising the contribution of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to Australia. The bipartisanship and goodwill was effusive. On the anniversary of the apology to the Stolen Generations, the Prime Minister acknowledged the courage of her predecessor, Kevin Rudd. The Leader of the Opposition praised Ms Gillard’s ‘‘fine speech’’ and paid tribute to Gough Whitlam’s advocacy for the 1967 referendum and Paul Keating’s controversial words on reconciliation at Redfern Park in 1992.
Many Australians will be hoping that this generosity will last. But in pledging his support to work towards proposals for constitutional recognition, Mr Abbott recognised the challenges that lay ahead. The task is to agree upon an appropriate form of recognition in the Constitution. The expert panel identified several constitutional changes that Australians should be asked to consider in a referendum. In addition to a statement of recognition, the panel proposed deleting sections of the Constitution and adding new ones. It is no easy task; for while Australians of goodwill understand the sentiment of reconciliation, enshrining it in a form of words that does not give rise to legal misinterpretation is another matter altogether. Also, Australians are often cautious in agreeing to changes to the Constitution. Nevertheless, it is a task that must be undertaken.
While recognition is important, it should not divert attention from improving employment and education opportunities and addressing complex problems such as welfare dependency, violence, and alcohol and drug abuse. In the meantime, constitutional recognition and removing sections that discriminate against indigenous Australians is a cause that all Australians should support. But there are significant obstacles ahead. Constitutional law is complex. Finding the same level of bipartisanship as was evident yesterday will not be easy, even though it is essential. The expert panel recommended that the referendum should proceed only when it has bipartisan support. Mr Abbott’s comment that he and Ms Gillard are ‘‘partners and collaborators’’ will be essential to its success.
LONG TAKES FIRST STEP IN SECOND SYMBOLIC WALK
Stuart Trintoil
The Australian
14 February
A nationwide march will campaign for indigenous recognition
NINE years ago, a despondent Michael Long stepped out to walk to Canberra to talk to a prime minister. As he walked from Melbourne, his thoughts gradually crystallised into the question he would put to John Howard: ‘‘Where is the love for my people?’’
Long, an AFL champion who did much to drive racism out of football, has now stepped out on a new journey, as a point man in the campaign for the constitutional recognition of Aborigines.
Inspired by the 2004 Long Walk, the Journey to Recognition, launched yesterday, aims to take the quest beyond the parliament and put it ‘‘into the hands of the people’’, walking through every state and territory, f rom the southern winter to the heat and colour of the Garma Festival in northeast Arnhem Land.
The walk will begin after the ‘‘Dreamtime at the G’’ AFL game in Melbourne on May 27 and Long will take the first symbolic steps.
Returning to the Essendon Football Club last night, which paved the way for Aboriginal footballers and is now reeling from a drugs-in-sport scandal, Long said Australia grew when it confronted racism and faced up to the wrongs of the past with the national apology to the Stolen Generations, five years ago yesterday.
‘‘We have the oldest culture in the world and we have so much more to offer, I reckon,’’ he said. ‘‘I think this might be an important moment in history that takes us even further as a country. I think it’s exciting.’’
Speaking at the National Press Club in Canberra yesterday, advocates Tanya Hosch and Jason Glanville, who will carry much of the campaign, said recognition would strengthen the fabric of the nation and reforge the Aboriginal story.
‘‘Over the last 200 years, our society has told Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children a story as destructive as it was untrue,’’ Mr Glanville said.
‘‘It was the colonial fiction of a dying race; a tale of disadvantage and limited potential. And then we came to wonder how it was that such disadvantage became a self-fulfilling prophecy. That myth is the direct historical cause of much of the indigenous disadvantage that still exists today.’’
Mr Glanville said recognising the first Australians ‘‘won’t just put words on a page’’, but would help to close gaps in life expectancies and tell a ‘‘true founding story’’ that was not about the failure of a dying race, ‘‘but a story of ingenuity, creativity, adaptation and survival.’’
Ms Hosch said recognition was ‘‘a time for us to be our better selves’’ and ‘‘banish the lingering stain of discrimination from our constitution’’. She compared the symbolism of recognition with Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address.
‘‘In the grand sweep of history, Australia has a remarkable chronicle,’’ she said. ‘‘As other civilisations rose and fell across the globe over tens of thousands of years, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples adapted and survived.’’
Recognise campaign director Tim Gartrell said the Journey to Recognition was aimed at recruiting grassroots supporters ‘‘to fix the silence of our Constitution about the entire first chapter of Australia’s history’’.
SEND 10,000 INDIGENOUS TO UNI: RUDD
MARK SCHLIEBS
From:The Australian
February 13, 2013 11:34AM
KEVIN Rudd says it is “unbelievable” that the Constitution still does not recognise indigenous people and is calling on his government to update its closing the gap targets to include tertiary education.
While Julia Gillard was heralding the passage of an act of recognition that commits Australia to changing the Constitution to acknowledge indigenous Australians, the former prime minister was in Adelaide to mark the fifth anniversary of his apology to the stolen generations.
Mr Rudd told the Reconciliation SA breakfast that Constitutional recognition should have already been in place.
“It is, for me, unbelievable that here we are in the year 2013 and we still do not in our foundational legal document recognise the fact that the concept of Terra Nullius was nonsense and is a nonsense and will forever be a nonsense,” he said. “When we came nearly 200 years ago, a twinkle in the eye of god and space, for tens of thousands of years before that indigenous Australians had made this vast continent their home.
“Surely, it is not beyond our wit and wisdom as a people, to finally reflect that in the foundational constitutional document of the nation.”
But Mr Rudd said Australians should also reflect on “what the Prime Minister is doing” by having the act of recognition.
He later told the audience that there had been a failure to lift indigenous attendance at universities to acceptable levels.
“The next frontier for closing the gap is universities. We must, as a nation, see the same number of indigenous kids at our universities, proportional to their size of the population,” Mr Rudd said.
“Aboriginal Australians represent some 2.5 per cent of our national population. The Indigenous participation at universities is barely at 1.2 or 1.3 per cent.
“We need to make up the difference. I’m talking about adding something in the order of another 10,000 indigenous students to the nation’s universities.”
He said the target should be achieved sooner than the 2030 suggestion in the Gonski review of education.
NSW ABORIGINAL LAND COUNCIL BATTLES FOR CSG ‘FAIR SHARE’
CRIKEY
13 FEB 2013, 7:31 PM
SOURCE: BILL CODE, SBS
CSG protesters in the Northern Rivers have an opponent many didn’t expect. The NSW Aboriginal Land Council wants to prospect for gas in the area, saying its people need a share of the profits from CSG.
Sydney protests last month targeted the land council for alleged inadequate consultation.
But NSW Aboriginal Land Council CEO Geoff Scott claims protesters are ignoring the need for energy, and the economic realities for Indigenous people.
“Do you want to get benefit from it or do you want to continue to get the scraps off the table? Do you want to continue to rely on government for your livelihood?” he told SBS News.
“I think we owe our children better than that”.
Mr Scott says he has held talks with the Tweed Byron Land Council and others, and will continue to do so.
Activist Harry Boyd has been fighting CSG in the Northern Rivers for several years, but fears CSG will come to the Northern Rivers regardless of how loudly many Australians protest
WHY WE SUPPORT MEASURES TO CONTROL THE SUPPLY OF ALCOHOL: ABORIGINAL MEDICAL SERVICES ALLIANCE NT
CRIKEY
MELISSA SWEET |
FEB 13, 2013 8:25PM |
In her recent Parliamentary statement on Closing the Gap, the Prime Minister raised concerns about the winding back of alcohol control policies in the NT and Queensland.
She said alcohol-related harms had increased after the NT Government’s dismantling of the Banned Drinkers Register last year, and called for the register’s reinstatement. She also called on the Queensland Government “to exercise extreme caution in reviewing remote community alcohol restrictions”.
“I have a real fear that the rivers of grog that wreaked such havoc among Indigenous communities are starting to flow once again,” she said.
In a subsequent article for Crikey titled Gillard is wrong, bans won’t stop those “rivers of grog”, journalist Chris Graham took issue with the PM’s claims, and argued that the solutions to alcohol-related problems lie in the communities themselves rather than in government-imposed policies.
In the article below, John Paterson writes on behalf of the Aboriginal Medical Services Alliance Northern Territory that Chris Graham’s analysis is strong on rhetoric but short on evidence.
Controls on the supply of alcohol are vital for improving Aboriginal health and life expectancy, and are widely supported by communities, as demonstrated by recent successful initiatives in Alice Springs, he says.
***
A look at the evidence shows why alcohol control measures are widely supported in the NT
John Paterson writes:
Any analysis of alcohol issues is complex and requires a very careful look at multiple data sets and knowledge of what is going on to explain data trends.
Unfortunately, the article by Graham contains many errors due to a lack of knowledge about – and detailed analysis of – what is going on in the NT.
This lack of adequate knowledge and analysis prevents readers from reaching a comprehensive understanding of what has been happening in the NT. (We are not commenting specifically on the Cape York situation as we are not as familiar with the data and the various evaluations that have been done there).
At the outset, Graham’s assertion that it has been Canberra that has led the game in positing alcohol bans is completely inaccurate and ahistorical.
And, frankly, anti-Aboriginal.
First, there is a very well documented history in the Northern Territory of Aboriginal communities that have successfully demanded – as acts of self determination— alcohol bans in nearly 100 communities across the Territory. Chris Graham should be aware of this.
Second, Aboriginal communities, and the health and other organisations they control, have never argued that prohibition is a silver bullet. Other initiatives—that have been fiercely resisted by government and the alcohol industry—such as restrictions to the volume of grog and number of outlets, the times allowed for take away sales, and floor pricing, have been put forward by these groups, backed by a solid evidence base.
Third, Graham makes no comment on the role of the alcohol industry—as if it is some sort of disinterested but benign third party that has no particular role in human misery.
We hold no particular brief for the Prime Minister in her statement—far from it.
However, Prime Minister Gillard does not suggest that alcohol restrictions alone will solve the alcohol problem – this is an oversimplification of her position.
However, one of the reasons why the NT has the fastest rate of improvement in Aboriginal life expectancy is the decline that has occurred in the consumption of pure alcohol. Addressing alcohol is no magic bullet but is a key part of what needs to be done. This is the view of the Prime Minister, and Graham misrepresents this.
Unfortunately, the article does not make sufficient distinction between alcohol supply reduction measures that apply to the whole community, for example the measures in place in the large population centres in the Northern Territory such as Alice Springs, Tennant Creek, Alyangula and Nhulunbuy, and the special measures that are in place in various permutations in almost one hundred remote Aboriginal communities  – measures which also apply to the non-Aboriginal residents in these communities, who usually comprise at least 10% of these populations anyway. The latter must be special measures which comply with the Racial Discrimination Act, and cannot be imposed without community support.
The Prime Minister has not suggested imposing alcohol measures on Aboriginal people only, but she has expressed concern at the dismantling of measures that have been introduced by the demands of the communities affected, are working and have community support. We share that concern.
There have been some very effective population wide measures in place in the NT, such as the de facto alcohol floor price in Alice Springs, achieved by a combination of Licensing Commission action (against selling wine casks larger than two litres) and an agreement operating amongst liquor retailers not to sell bottled wine for less than $8 per bottle and two litre casks for less than $16. This has seen the minimum price increase from 25 cents per standard drink to around 76 cents per standard drink.
This very effective measure has reduced alcohol consumption across the whole Alice Springs population by about 20%. The measure has been formally evaluated by the National Drug Research Institute.
The decline in alcohol consumption in Alice has seen projected admissions for assault to Alice Springs Hospital for Aboriginal women reduced by about 130 per year. This is in spite of the fact that the police assault data in this period has risen sharply.
Although Chris Graham attempts to dismiss this issue in this article, the reality is that police assault data is very subjective and changes in relation to police numbers, new legislation, community reporting, new computer systems and a range of other variables.
Police data cannot be relied upon to objectively measure the true incidence and prevalence of assault in the community. For accurate data we need to turn to more objective endpoints such as hospital admissions. It is important to consider multiple data sources prior to making any sweeping generalisations from a single data source as Graham has done.
The following graph is from the recent report from the National Drug Research Institute (2012) looking at alcohol sales, price and consumption in Alice Springs from 2000 to 2010. It shows a very strong correlation over time between price and consumption. As the price increased, consumption decreased and as the price decreased, consumption increased:
The “river of grog” throughout the NT has been declining significantly since 2007, largely through the removal from sale of cheap, bulk cask wine. This data is published by the Northern Territory Department of Justice.
This reflects a significant change in alcohol consumption in the NT, and the article’s author, Chris Graham, who seems to be unaware of this data, mistakenly claims that not much has changed. This is what has happened to the consumption of pure alcohol per person:
More detailed data is publicly available showing the gains are much greater where extra measures apply to curtail alcohol consumption, in Alice Springs and Nhulunbuy:
There has been no suggestion by Gillard to impose alcohol restrictions in the NT on Aboriginal people only. As Graham acknowledges, the Banned Drinkers Register (BDR) applied to everyone.
There were many non-Aboriginal people on the register as well, usually placed there for high range drink driving offences etc.
The problem we have is that since the register was suddenly withdrawn there has been no evaluation to objectively look at its impact. There is a huge amount of anecdotal evidence that there has been a very negative impact from its removal.
There is also evidence that at least one of the major hotels has seen a large increase in its takings, due to the greatly increased clientele (comprised of the formerly banned drinkers) in the large bars commonly referred to as “Animal Bars” subsequent to the removal of the BDR. The main call to re-instate the BDR was made at a recent Aboriginal Peak Organisations NT summit on alcohol, so the Prime Minister is simply asking for the return of a measure which has broad support within the Aboriginal community in the NT.
In terms of the voluntary alcohol restrictions that exist in nearly 100 remote communities throughout the NT, these measures have been in place for many years at the request of Aboriginal communities.
Acts of self-determination
Guess what? These have been acts of self-determination, not a directive from Canberra, Darwin, or anywhere else other than the local community. They have not been imposed by governments, and existed prior to the Intervention. The new CLP government, despite some initial fumbling on the issue, has so far decided  to leave these measures in place, something about which Graham seems to be unaware.
The stark reality for some remote Aboriginal communities is that the level of susceptibility to habitual excessive consumption of alcohol and other substances is far greater than for mainstream communities. This is not due to any genetic susceptibility but rather it is mainly due to the consequences of extreme disadvantage on the growth and development of young children in early childhood in particular, leading them to be much more vulnerable to bingeing behaviours, and very susceptible to dangerous levels of over-use and habitual use of substances.
These susceptibilities are then greatly compounded by the effects of the social gradient of social determinants of health in general, such as lack of adequate access to good education, employment and comprehensive primary healthcare. Aboriginal Australia is not unique in this respect.
The Australian Early Development Index (AEDI) scores reveal this level of vulnerability – the reality is that many children from disadvantaged homes where excessive alcohol consumption occurs lack the capacity for effective self-regulation, and are much more impulsive than other children at age 4.
These are the vulnerabilities that mean that they do not have the same capability as other children to control their substance use when they encounter peer pressure to experiment with volatile inhalants and drugs such as tobacco, alcohol, cannabis, amphetamines and kava later during their development.
While this susceptibility is present in a very large number of young people, there is a serious need for special measures such as many remote Aboriginal communities have demanded for themselves.
When the AEDI scores of Aboriginal children become comparable to those displayed by children of the rest of the population at age 5, then we can expect after another 10 years have passed to witness a situation where the average susceptibility to alcohol and other substance over-uses is similar to the average levels applying to the total population. At this point communities themselves will know that they no longer need to request special measures to give additional protection against substance misuse.
Until that time, greater alcohol regulation is needed. And guess what: It is Aboriginal communities, as reflected through the demands of the APO NT Grog Summit late last year, who are demanding this. It is not Gillard—or indeed Chris Graham—that holds sway over these views.
The final point that needs to be addressed is the continual suggestion that alcohol is not a key determinant of Aboriginal health. Alcohol is not just a symptom of disadvantage it is a cause.
Prof Sir Michael Marmot, the chair of the WHO Commission on the Social Determinants of Health, following a visit to Aboriginal communities in the NT last year, declared alcohol and other drug use one of the six key determinants of Aboriginal health that needed to be addressed.
Making a difference in Alice Springs
The impact of even addressing alcohol in isolation has just been experienced by Alice Springs in the recent weekend of the Aboriginal All Stars Football match.
There was remarkable quiet and calm in the town, very different from a normal Friday night, let alone one of the busiest nights of the year, with several thousand extra people from remote communities in Alice to enjoy the game and have a break from bush life. There were almost no incidents involving violence or requiring the presence of police. Drunken revellers were conspicuous by their absence.
This atmosphere was the same at the game itself, where there were a lot of families with children having fun, and very few obvious incidents of drunken violence. Taxis and the casino and bars were busy, but ambulances were not.
There have been few violent incidents, and hardly any arrests. Police had one of their slowest nights on record with only one Domestic Violence call-out on Thursday night (the first of three days of additional restrictions) compared with thirteen on the previous Monday night.
This shows what can be achieved when agreement is reached on a set of evidence-based, sensible alcohol restrictions which included:
1. An effective floor price at $1 per standard drink, because cheap two-litre wine casks and fortified wines were not on sale at all.
2. A reduction in total of nine hours in take-away alcohol trading time over three days.
3. The use of photo ID scanning to prevent large volume purchases of beer and mixed drinks (limited to one slab per person per day.)
4. An increased police presence and full-time monitoring of all take-away outlets, with confiscation of alcohol purchased for consumption in prohibited areas.
This package combines what that we know works well, in one town at one time, and it produced a moment to celebrate and be proud of for the whole town.
It shows it is really possible to make a very big difference with supply reduction measures that most people would live with quite easily. It shows that addressing alcohol as a key social determinant of health in its own right is critical to Aboriginal health and the reduction of violence.
• Thanks to NACCHO for assistance with organising this article. Previously at Croakey: What are the priorities of Aboriginal people and communities in alcohol control in the NT?
A STEP SIDEWAYS FOR ABORIGINAL RECOGNITION
CRIKEY
CHARLES RICHARDSON
FEB 13, 2013 11:25AM |
There’ll be feel-good images out of Canberra today as parliament votes on recognition of indigenous people. But the idea that the bill represents a step forward on a constitutional referendum is simply not true.
This isn’t a blog about Australian politics, but sometimes there’s a local story that’s not just interesting in itself but has wider application. That’s the case with a remarkable feel-good piece by Michael Gordon in today’s Age on the “recognition” of indigenous Australians.
The occasion is the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples Recognition Bill (pdf here), due to pass the House of Representatives today. According to Gordon, it “will give momentum to the push to recognise” indigenous people, being “the forerunner to a referendum to enshrine this recognition in the constitution.”
It’s a sad sign of the state of the media that the Age has plenty of room for inspirational quotes and anecdotes about the struggle of indigenous people, but none to tell its readers what the bill actually does or why this procedure has been adopted. So let’s look quickly at the background.
Following the last election, the Gillard government appointed an expert panel to advise on constitutional recognition of indigenous people. Its final report, presented just over a year ago, recommended a series of constitutional changes, but also pointed out that bipartisan agreement would be a necessary condition for putting them to a referendum.
Despite some optimistic reporting (from, yes, the Age again), it quickly became clear that that agreement was not forthcoming. Put briefly (I went into more detail at the time), the problem is that any change in the race-based sections of the constitution would want to be accompanied by a non-discrimination provision, and the opposition will not agree to that because it is too reminiscent of a bill of rights.
Late last year the government bowed to the inevitable and announced that the referendum would be deferred indefinitely. Unwilling to be seen to be doing nothing at all, it introduced the current bill instead.
The bill has only two substantive elements: firstly, a statement by parliament recognising that Australia was “first occupied by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples” and that they have a continuing relationship “with their traditional lands and waters”, and acknowledging and respecting their “continuing cultures, languages and heritage”; and secondly, a requirement for the government to hold a review, to report within 18 months, of the prospects of a referendum.
But there is no timetable for actually holding a referendum and no hint of a way around the deadlock that stymied the government’s original plan. The idea that the bill represents a step forward on a referendum is simply not true.
Nor is there any reason to think that the legislative recognition is of any use to anyone. It says nothing different to what our leaders have been saying for decades; probably no Australian politician in the last 60 years would have disagreed with its sentiments. Elevated statements of general principle, if they belong anywhere, belong in the constitution.
There were good reasons why the expert panel recommended against taking the legislative route, and indeed specifically said (p. 224) it “would be concerned if legislative action were to be used as a substitute for, or distract from, a referendum on constitutional recognition.”
The deadlock over constitutional amendment is not in principle insuperable; if there was strong political pressure on the Coalition to come to an agreement, then no doubt some form of words could be found that would bridge the gap. But that is not the case: the Coalition’s core constituencies have approximately zero interest in Aboriginal reconciliation, so for Tony Abbott there is no downside in holding to his position.
The moral here is twofold. First, constitutional change is about specifics. You can’t pass a fuzzy notion into law, you can only pass actual words. They may be fuzzy words, but there has to be agreement on one actual set of words rather than another. If it’s not possible to find words that meet the competing demands of different interests, then no amount of “agreement in principle” will change that situation.
Second, politics is all about finding ways to overcome differences – ways that we can live together and get things done despite conflicting values and priorities. It may be a bad way of doing that (indeed I think it usually is), but that’s what it’s for. If instead we use the political process to produce motherhood legislation that doesn’t achieve anything and doesn’t settle any real controversy, we’re just wasting everyone’s time.




The National Indigenous Times – ‘voice to the voiceless’

18 01 2013

gerry_at_protest[1]
Published at Indymedia courtesy of the National Indigenous Times (12.12.2012) – Photo courtesy of the National Indigenous Times, by Geoff Bagnall; January 26, Lobby Restaurant

Article by Gerry Georgatos – National Indigenous Times award winning journalist, PhD researcher Deaths in Custody and social justice campaigner – recently he successfully campaigned for the release of scores of Indonesian children from Australian adult prisons, and has raised the funds in shipping thousands of children’s wheelchairs to war torn countries. He has written two Masters in trying to understand and find ways forward from the ugliness of racism, and his latest book to be released in January is Climate of Death: Justice denied means more will die.

I joined the National Indigenous Times 18 months ago, after a phone call from the newspaper’s editor, Stephen Hagan, in July 2011, and here we are as we quickly march into 2013. My journey with the National Indigenous Times has been an increasingly passionate one, as a result of the voluminous ability to look into one story after another I have had the opportunity to meet peoples who have been far removed from the myriad bright merit of what is right, from what should have been their due, and for whom justice has been denied. The passion to unfold the burgeoning human rights and social justice language, and its effects, is one that the National Indigenous Times has continued to give even more rise within me. The passion burns.

Why I joined the National Indigenous Times was because of something that both the newspaper’s Editor, Stephen Hagan, and the newspaper’s founder, John Rowsthorne said to me; that this newspaper is a vehicle for the ‘voiceless’ – “to give voice to the voiceless” – no more needed to be said to me and immediately I hopped onto the National Indigenous Times news-train. There are various opportunities for continuing what work I do in contributing to the common good during 2013 and hence the possibility exists that I will not be with the National Indigenous Times from some point next year, however maybe I will remain with them throughout 2013, we’ll see, however importantly the work of this newspaper needs to continue, so as to continue to give rise to genuine through-care journalism and change agency that is sorely lacking with most other news media – There are good journalists everywhere however they are often diminished by the demands placed upon them by Boards, Chief Editors, Group Editors, and the sub-editors of their news organisation. In many news media organisations real journalism has been supplanted by ‘churnalism’ – and investigative reporters replaced by armchair critics, and balanced journalism reduced by the agenda driven demands of its owners who effectively make a mockery of their editorial policies and instead have their perceived principles and convictions mangled by cultures of favour dispensation and nepotism.

Indeed, with the opportunities presented by the latitude afforded to journalists at the National Indigenous Times to explore stories, to investigate, to feature these stories and to sustain them till all parties involved accounted themselves in terms of the public interest, some of our coverage has led to the common good being achieved. What has pleased me is the ever increasing attention paid to the National Indigenous Times during the last couple of years by other major news media – our newspaper is a source of stories for them, and this is important because it means that stories we are the first in line prepared to follow and investigate thoroughly, whom fair to write others were not prepared to follow, we gave voice to. We were prepared to give ‘voice to the voiceless’ and provide the diligence of getting the story right, digging deep, hence then other news media ride off our backs. Their backs covered, legally and otherwise, by us having walked the ground that others feared. The list of our stories that have been picked up by others in just this year alone is long, however in recent times it is fair to note that such stories include the tragic injustice that befell then 15 year old Rex Bellotti Jr on March 6, 2009, and because of the National Indigenous Times his story has been heard far and wide, and is in the Australian consciousness. This is the story of one young man and his family whose story could not be let slip. Then there is the story of the plight 800 Yindjibarndi people faced in the mess that is the Native Title Act, and the incompatibility of the National Native Title Tribunal to the intentions of the Act. There is a mining boom in the Pilbara and yet everyone else bar the Yindjibarndi are benefiting from the mineral and ore resource rich Yindjibarndi lands – the majority Yindjibarndi languish in abject poverty.

Years have passed and no-one would adequately explore and report on this story – far too many major news media said to the Yindjibarndi and to me, “We can’t touch this story.” They would not risk taking on the wealthy and the influential nor the State Government or the National Native Title Tribunal. This is not journalism. This is not democracy. This is not justice. This is not what ‘good and right’ are about. Martin Luther King Jnr once said that justice delayed is justice denied. My father, who never went to school, who worked hard all his life for the quid he made to support his family, and his brood of six children, taught me that in life you must always do what is right and let nothing get in the way of this, and furthermore that when anyone puts any question to you about your words and deeds then always be able to account for your words and deeds right there and then, on the spot.

Where no other journalist in the country, not even journalists from other Indigenous specific news media like us, were prepared to properly explore the Yindjibarndi plight I was – like any other peoples in terms of their right to be heard I was not prepared to let them down. In the last couple of months because of my coverage alone – and the National Indigenous Times with the courage to run these stories – the human and political landscape for the Yindjibarndi has changed – dramatically. The nation has heard of their plight, better understands the issues, other major news media have found the courage to highlight some of what we broke into the news, and into the Australian consciousness. I worked my media networks around the nation to get their story on the record, their voice out there. From there onwards the consciousness of humankind does begin to do its thing, and it happens that at times the good people that do exist come good all round sooner rather than later and make things happen.

No story written should ever be about revenge however it should be about righting wrongs, about remedy, about all parties opening up their eyes, hearts and minds to the other, and in coalescing as humanity to the common good. And I can tell readers of the National Indigenous Times that is definitely what is happening for and with the Yindjibarndi, that peoples and all parties are coming together in one way or another. In this year of 2012 I visited Roebourne three times, and I was touched by the truth in witnessing the plight of people far removed from the spin sold to more powerful news media however which had long sold out its will to report the truth. While investigating as best I could the issues that burned so brightly to those who were prepared to look into them however were hidden deep in the forest from the Australian consciousness – and hence people not able to distinguish the trees from the forest, I could see the darkness and the light. Roebourne represents to myself the story of much of remote Aboriginal Australia. Roebourne has a population less than 1,000, mostly Aboriginal, of whom most are Yindjibarndi. They live poor, in dilapidated homes, run down facilities and minimal services at hand. There is not even a café in Roebourne, and there are no park benches anywhere in the dusty town. However only 18 km away is Port Samson, a grafted community, and it is an oasis – right by the sea and beaches, double-storey homes, of which not one rents at less than $2000 a week, spectacular facilities and every service imaginable, it is a beautiful place – however there are no Aboriginal people there, no Yindjibarndi. And 37 kms from Roebourne is Karratha, a town built without the Yindjibarndi in mind, there are very few, if any, Aboriginal people in Karratha. It is a town built for the mining boom, for the rest of Australia to benefit from, and the town has every service imaginable and has grafted every layer of opportunity for humankind to benefit from and enjoy. Why then do the Yindjibarndi remain poor?

There are only a couple of hundred households in Roebourne and yet the layers of community development that should have been grafted into Roebourne to provide it with the opportunity to thrive, to provide its people with the right to self-determination, have not happened, none of it. We can build a suburb in any metropolis in Australia within six months and graft the full suite of services for thousands of people to enjoy. I have seen suburbs which will house 4,000 to 22,000 people go up in less than six months – and I have seen towns like Port Samson and Karratha go up in similar spreads of time however apparently it is rocket science for Governments to ensure the justice that is denied to townships and communities like Roebourne. For myself, this is clearly a racial issue -racism not only languishes wildly in Australia, racism is at the forefront of the Australian id.

What I describe of Roebourne is the story of hundreds of other towns and communities across Australia, and many of which I have seen and experienced. It is also the story of the Pilbara’s regional neighbour, the Kimberley. The Kimberley has one of the world’s highest homelessness rates – 7 per cent of its total population is homeless, it has the highest suicide rates in the nation – and most of all of this is Aboriginal. Yet, Australian Governments, State and Federal, steadfast neglect the issue of the chronic homelessness of the Kimberley and the horrific suicide rates, with Aboriginal suicide rates reaching 100 times the national average, because yes my brothers and sisters it is a racial issue. It is just accepted and subsumed and supplanted by stereotypes and other bullshit shoved down our throats. The Kimberley is a tourist mecca and resources rich and yet we have one of the world’s highest homelessness rates in this region, surpassed only by the Northern Territory. Sadly, for me I believe little will be done to address the chronic issues in the Kimberley, unless the news media cares enough to continue on highlighting the hidden tragedies and that they sour into the light of day, and hence we get the cultural waves going, and those who have scored themselves into our parliaments jump on the crest of those cultural waves. Late last year and early this year I had covered, where others had not, the extent of the rise in homelessness in the Kimberley, and furthermore had underlain my stories with my own research, extensive cluster surveys throughout the Kimberley – and my research indicated a rise in homelessness and my stories and photographs focused on giving voice to these people. No other news media adequately followed the stories, and ‘adequately’ means to sustain coverage till something was done about it all – some news media reported the contents of my investigations, however as a one-off – the news cycle is too busy often focusing on who wears what and who is making out with whom. However recently the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) concluded its five year Census and in its report included the homelessness rates in the Kimberley, etc. All the news media jumped on the ‘churnalism’ and reported the horrific statistics. However, sadly, the next time that this same news media will report on the homelessness issues that plague this country, will be in 2017, at the next round of ABS Census statistics.

Journalism should not be seen as merely reporting the news, however rather as through-care, and that there is only a fine line, as if a porous membrane, between the reporting of the news and in exacting change – there must be a can do attitude of change agency underwriting journalism – well, this is my view, and this is my way of how I go about my journalism.

If we all sit idly by and do nothing, then what we will have is the tragedy of the Northern Territory Intervention –where ignorance has allowed for its culminations to be usurped by hysteria and deport everyone into a vacuum of inhumanity.

Stories that touched our hearts in this year of 2012 include Tauto Sansbury fighting to save young lives from suicide: I wrote that suicide has crippled many Aboriginal families nationwide and only resilience born from within oppression has kept some families going. South Australian Aboriginal communities came together to hold an Aboriginal Suicide Forum in Adelaide.

“It is ‘time to talk’ about Aboriginal suicide and start conversations that will change lives,” Elder, Tauto Sansbury said.

Mr Sansbury knows the emotional toll of burying loved ones. The 63 year old rights campaigner attended eight funerals within the first 13 days of the year and these eight premature deaths sparked a resolve in him to spearhead one campaign after another calling on the South Australian Government to fund a 24 hour Aboriginal crisis centre amidst other basic services.

The South Australian Government has continued its failure in heeding the words of Mr Sansbury, and there is yet no commitment to fund a 24 hour Aboriginal crisis centre. How many more lives must be lost?

The National Indigenous Times was correct when it claimed earlier in the year from its credible sources that Chevron would pull out of the Woodside led joint venture to build the $40 billion gas hub at Walmandan (James Price Point). Walmandan Tent Embassy and Kimberley anti-gas hub protesters have made a huge impact upon the Woodside led joint venture $40 billion Liquefied Natural Gas precinct proposal at James Price Point (Walmandan). Woodside, Chevron and State Government sources to the National Indigenous Times have been proven correct by claiming Chevron would pull out of the project and those sources are now saying the remaining Woodside venture partners will probably not support the project proceeding in its current form when they make their final decision in May next year.

The sources have also claimed Chevron and Woodside directors and executives were disappointed with West Australian Premier Colin Barnett’s compulsory acquisition threats and the public fallout from that action.

Goolarabooloo Elder, Phillip Roe said his peoples would not relent from fighting for Country.

“There will be no letting up, we’ve come this far to save our heritage, our Country and the future, we’ll keep on going,” he said.

Walmandan Tent Embassy protester, Albert Wiggan said the key to their successes had been they have not desisted in campaigning for the saving of the Kimberley.

“Once it’s gone, it’s gone forever, therefore we have been fighting the good fight to make sure this will not be the case,” he said.

“This land is not Woodside’s or Barnett’s.”

A well placed source said the campaign against the gas hub had been effective.

“The vigilance of protesters, the uproar within Broome, the involvement of Bob Brown and the Sea Shepherd have taken a toll on the boards and executives of not just Chevron and Woodside but all of the venture partners including Shell,” the source said.

“Some of them don’t want to be seen as killing whales and Indigenous culture, they don’t think it’s worth it, the protests have been non-stop and high profile.

“Royal Dutch Shell wants to go with a floating liquefied natural gas (FLNG) out of sight out of mind and just drop the whole Browse Basin precinct plan.

“The pressure was from the State Government for quite a while but they’re going quiet on it too, even Premier Barnett must be feeling his back is against the wall with protesters keeping it all in the media.

“He can’t keep up with hundreds of police turning up to the Kimberley and with an election nearing.”

The FLNG is seen as “an out of sight out of mind” solution because they can be set up far from the coastline and with less environmental impacts.

“FLNG can produce the liquefied natural gas without dredging up the coastline. It maybe that a few million less tonnes of gas is got out but it might be cheaper and less of a public issue,” the source said.

The FLNG proposal has some legs in light of the fact in August Royal Dutch Shell bought Chevron’s near 17 per cent stake and is now planning a flotilla of FLNG ships.

Even though some analysts are saying venture partners are no longer considering another option – the piping of the gas 900km south to the existing North West Shelf LNG plant –this is not true, say the sources. This option is still being considered however they believe the FLNG option is building the momentum to win out.

“However there are that many influential players within these companies that a few options are on the table, so it’s not smart to rule any or all out,” the source said.

“I can say the non-stop protests, the stunts, the arrests, the concerts, the Sea Shepherd, the Tent Embassy set up near the Browse have taken their toll all the way to the top.”

It was The National Indigenous Times that was first in with the news, before parliamentarians themselves knew, that legislation to rip off Traditional Owners of negotiating rights on various land use would be rammed through both houses of the South Australian government. When we phoned the parliamentarians it was news to them!

South Australian leaders were both despondent and outraged at the State Government’s ram raid on the Aboriginal Heritage Act and were supported by the SA Greens however the changes to the Act got through.

Mineral Resources and Mining Minister Tom Koutsantonis recently rammed through parliament legislation removing negotiation rights for Traditional Owners in reference to oil and gas exploration and activity on their lands – and he did this without any consultation with Aboriginal stakeholders and groups. Once again Mr Koutsantonis is working the political landscape in favour of mining companies by pushing for changes in the Aboriginal Heritage Act that will effectively reduce a suite of Aboriginal legal rights. Earlier this year the National Indigenous Times reported the watering down of the Aboriginal Heritage Act would occur in Western Australia and two months ago revealed the

South Australian State Government planned to follow suit.

Tauto Sansbury was an Indigenous relations manager in mining, energy and engineering, former Chief Executive Officer of Ceduna Koonibba Aboriginal Health Service and Chairperson of Patpa Warra Regional council and he is disappointed there has been no consultation with Aboriginal peoples. “I think it appears clear the Aboriginal Heritage Act will be watered down,” Mr Sansbury said.

South Australia’s Commissioner for Aboriginal Engagement Khatija Thomas said she continues to be disappointed the South Australian Government continues to bypass consultation with Aboriginal peoples. Insiders have told the National Indigenous Times Mr Koutsantonis had “promised miners that heritage approvals for projects in the works would be “moved along” and the “red tape around Indigenous peoples claiming rights through the Heritage Act would be removed.”

Ms Thomas pointed out State Premier, Jay Weatherill first announced a review of the Aboriginal Heritage in 2008 with consultation on proposed changes closing in 2010. However no consultation has occurred since the Premier’s announcement.

“The consultations that took place back then form the basis of the drafting of the new Bill. The changes that have taken place in the legal and political landscape between Aboriginal people and proponents of development in the intervening years warrant an extended and new consultation process, even though that won’t go down well with Government,” Ms Thomas said.

“There should not be a Bill drafted until more consultation happens with Aboriginal communities. And then there will have to be a further consultation process on the draft Bill.”

SA Greens Aboriginal Affairs and Reconciliation spokesperson Tammy Franks slammed Mr Koutsantonis during the mining industry round table for his comments about watering down the Heritage Act so it could not be used to delay mining projects.

“If the recent parliamentary vote rushed through with unseemly haste to retrospectively abolish Aboriginal Native Title renegotiation rights in the Petroleum and Geothermal Energy (Transitional Licences) Amendment Bill is any indication, the so-called review and revamp of the Aboriginal Heritage Act will simply be a stripping back of Indigenous voices in these processes,” Ms Franks said.

“It has been nearly four years since the Premier, Jay Weatherill, then in his previous role as Minister for Aboriginal Affairs and Reconciliation, announced a review of the Aboriginal Heritage Act to better protect Aboriginal culture and heritage.

“Rather than creating better outcomes for Aboriginal people in line with the stated aims of the review to provide stronger recognition of Aboriginal ownership or custody of their heritage, the current push by Minister Koutsantonis appears to be doing exactly the opposite.

“If Minister Koutsantonis sees the freshening up of the Aboriginal Heritage Act as an opportunity for watering further down of the rights of Native Title holders he will meet strong community and Parliamentary opposition.”

However the previous Bill on Native Title rights was slammed through the two Houses of the State Parliament as the National Indigenous Times reported it would be – of 69 votes only 3 voted against it. So it would appear likely the Minister will achieve the same outcome with any proposed changes to the Aboriginal Heritage Act.

“Whilst the State Government acknowledged in 2008 a framework for agreement with Aboriginal people needed to be created, I’m disappointed if this is what they have resorted to,” Ms Franks said.

In trying to quell the outrage about proposed changes to the Aboriginal Heritage Act the State’s Aboriginal Affairs Minister, Paul Caica said the draft Bill would be out before year’s end for “consultation”. However Mining Minister Mr Koutsantonis told The Australian newspaper, “Indigenous groups and mining companies need to move into the 21st century. The existing Act is old and out-dated, it is time to catch up. I want to have legislation drafted by Christmas so both groups are happy – everyone wants certainty.”

Norwood Legal Centre lawyer, Patrick Byrt at an event with Narrandjeri Elders at historic Gum Tree reserve in Glenelg made a profound insight to the National Indigenous Times.

“What our Governments have done to Aboriginal peoples in this State and throughout Australia in terms of their legal rights is monstrous. The damage done emotionally, psychologically and physically is horrific however outweighed by the monstrous damage governments have done and continue to do to Aboriginal people’s legal rights,” Mr Byrt said.

And then there is the shame, one fraught by Governments, where the ordinary citizen is doing more for others than they are.

Clint and Deb Durham made up their minds they could no longer bear knowing toddlers and infants were sleeping hungry in the great hypocrisy that is the tourist mecca of Broome on the far north coast of Western Australia. Mr Durham is a 15 year intelligence analyst with the Western Australian police and in this time acknowledged the statistics to reality horror of many young Aboriginal offenders breaking into homes purely to steal some food or money for food, simply because they were hungry.

The National Indigenous Times earlier this year highlighted the plight of endemic Aboriginal homelessness in the Kimberley and surprisingly in Broome, with areas such as One Mile Community and Kennedy Hill blighted by homelessness and impoverished families. In 2006 the Counting the Homeless Report recorded horror figures after the Census of 638 per 10,000 Kimberley people homeless and most of them Aboriginal.

This rate is the worst in the nation and 17 times the national average.

However both the State and Federal governments and the respective Indigenous Affairs Ministers, Peter Collier for Western Australia and the Federal Government’s Jenny Macklin have turned a blind eye to the situation and other than the National Indigenous Times no mainstream news media or government department has delved into the Kimberley’s shocking homelessness rates and the impacts upon families.

However for Mr Durham it is a different story and unlike many who have turned a blind eye to the terrible situation he and his wife could not.

He made a decision to do something tangible in making a difference after completing further research into crime-ridden areas for his Master’s degree. He made the connection between juvenile property crime and poverty, neglect and hunger. Mr Durham, himself a father of two, decided he and his wife would not wait around while governments continued to let children languish without food for days and he stepped in with a way forward which clearly signifies what the solutions are. With his wife, who is a canteen manager at a local Catholic school, St. Mary’s, they started the Feed the Little Charity in February this year.

“A lot of the children come from dysfunctional families. It is just circumstances beyond their control in many of the cases,” he said.

“There is nothing deliberate in what parents and families do who are trapped by acute poverty.”

They started the charity work from their home. Using industrial sized pots, Mrs Durham started cooking up enough food to feed more than 100 children, including babies. Such is the extent of the problem in Broome and surrounding communities – the neglect by governments is shameful. However Mr Durham, with a striking humility, does not have a bad word to say about anyone, including government departments and agencies.

Volunteers distribute food packages complemented by donations of orange juice and snacks from local businesses. Families are grateful for the helping hand.

In the beginning to keep the Feed the Little Children going the Durhams dipped into their own pockets – the weekly cost for 100 food packages was about $150 per week with $50 of this donated by their church each week.

Word spread of Feed the Little Children and the Health Department offered the Durhams the use of a commercial kitchen and with a small grant they secured cooking equipment and supplies.

After a while they moved kitchen to St Mary’s Catholic School which has allowed them to do more. More people have come on board to cook and distribute, hence more children are being fed.

They are working to a dream of seeing a 24 hour, 365 a year emergency food service for children in need put into operation.

“Deb would cook Saturday mornings and we’d get to the children late afternoon,” Mr Durham said.

“After a while they knew we were coming and they’d be there every Saturday afternoon. However since a couple more cooks and more volunteers we are now are about to start cooking and delivering on Wednesdays as well.”

They go to the areas with acute homelessness like One Mile Community and Kennedy Hill however also to specific homes and into the parks where the children wait.

Donations have increased to ensure the Durhams have been able to offset costs however if more sponsors and donors get behind Feed the Little Children more children will be nourished and families helped and lives mended.

The actions of the Durhams and Feed The Little Children charity have put the State and Federal governments to shame. If anyone would like to assist Mr Durham can be contacted at clint.durham@feedthelittlechildren.org.au

And then are the deaths in custody, which just continue. My PhD research is in Australian Custodial Systems and Deaths in Custody – and reading one tragic case after another, assisting families with various advocacy and representations have given me insights into levels of pain that people should not have to be burdened with, and furthermore my personal witness and experiences evidence that the system so to speak, the establishment has isolated them, disenfranchised them into grieving alone with the near unbearable weight of the pain.

At the 29th John Pat Memorial Day, Western Australia Deaths in Custody Watch Committee chairperson, Marianne Mackay said, “I know that we are sick of it all, it comes with being Aboriginal however we have to stand up so we make the big changes for our people. The Pat family, this is a family that has not got justice, none of our families have ever got it. There is not enough support out there for us to get lawyers and protection.” Marianne lost the father of her eldest son as a death in custody.

The Reverend Sealin Garlett read the ode to John Pat by the late Elder Dr Jack Davis and the gathering sat silent, taking in every word and the landscape each word fills – Mother Mavis with head bowed, brother Glen with shoulders lowered, both staring to the earth – “Write of life, the pious said. Forget the past, the past is dead. But all I see, in front of me, is a concrete floor, a cell door, and John Pat. Agh! Tear out the page, forget his age. Thin skull they cried, that’s why he died! But I can’t forget the silhouette of a concrete floor, a cell door, and John Pat. The end product of Guddia (white man’s) Law is a viaduct, for fang and claw. And a place to dwell, like Roebourne’s hell, of a concrete floor, a cell door, and John Pat.” The Reverend’s crackling voice rose more, and resonated John Pat alive with all of us, “He’s there – Where? There in their minds now, deep within. There to prance, a long sidelong glance, a silly grin, to remind them all, of a Guddia wall, a concrete floor, a cell door, and John Pat.”

When John Pat died Harvey Coyne was a young man in prison, at Fremantle Prison, now a museum, and where the memorial for John Pat is held every year. Harvey said, “I was inside here in this prison when news of the death of John Pat came. Our heads went down – we all felt an insecurity in the system and by the forces demanding cultural assimilation. What happened to John we knew more of it would come and it has. I have seen in many, many people around me, in prison and outside prison the mental collapse of my brothers and sisters and how we are punished for this by the very system that makes this happen. 40 years later I would have hoped things would change however they have not, the fear is still there that the system is still letting us down and shutting heavy metal doors on us.”

And then there is the story of courage by whistle-blower and Aboriginal Visitors Scheme Officer Joyce Capewell – after no-one else would touch the story The National Indigenous Times stood alongside Ms Capewell’s right to be heard. The West Australian State Government’s Department of Corrective Services has continued to delay in reinstating the Aboriginal Visitors’ Scheme (AVS) despite suicide attempts by two brothers within 12 hours at Greenough Prison at Geraldton in the north of the State. The failure to reinstate the scheme has drawn stinging criticism from an AVS officer of 20 years, Joyce Capewell who has put her career on the line as a whistle-blower by revealing the Department had effectively closed the Scheme down.

“I want to return to work and to Greenough Prison where the people need me but I can’t, not until they have reinstated the AVS and not until they fix what is wrong with AVS,” she said. “It’s a disgrace what is happening in there and throughout the region. With no AVS in place our people are suffering. If there is death in Greenough it will be blood on their hands,” Ms Capewell said.

Ms Capewell contacted the State Minister for the Department of Corrective Services, Murray Cowper to inform him the Scheme had not been in operation for at least two years in most of these towns and that it was not in place at Greenough Prison.

“This is racism at its worst, inadvertent bias and outright biases and prejudices culminating as racism shovelled at us by a system that is not listening to all the experts and to the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (RCIADC),” Ms Capewell said. “Without AVS, the government and the DCS are failing Aboriginal prisoners. Ninety per cent of Greenough Prison is Aboriginal people.”

“The whole thing is begging for an independent inquiry and if it doesn’t happen then something stinks. This is why I am speaking out despite the risks to my career.”

“Greenough has had three deaths in custody during the last four years and suicide attempts and people in terrible conditions. We don’t need out of sight of out mind games.”

Ms Capewell said she had been stunned by a response from the State Minister, Murray Cowper who wrote the AVS was “not a primary counselling scheme and that other non-Aboriginal programs are adequate”.

A recently released inmate from Greenough Prison, Tim McIntosh told the National Indigenous Times Mr Cowper’s depiction of “robust counselling programs” in Greenough was not the case and that Aboriginal prisoners were not adequately supported by these other schemes. Mr McIntosh said Ms Capewell was desperately needed and she was “the only beacon of light we had in there. The people in there need Aunty Joyce.”

“There are Aboriginal people in there from the desert who don’t speak English and they need our people only and Aunty Joyce is the only person many of us had to help us,” Mr McIntosh said.

“Whatever problems with the AVS nowadays, it is requisite for our people and this is why it was recommended way back in 1988,” said Ms Capewell. “The majority of Aboriginal prisoners are not comfortable with non-Aboriginal people and in Greenough with prisoners from remote communities, from the desert and the Kimberley, they come from cultures that non-Aboriginal peoples are not in a position to engage well with.”

Mr Cowper has declined to meet with Ms Capewell. Yamaji State Parliamentarian, Ben Wyatt has risen to the occasion to demand Mr Cowper meet with Ms Capewell and senior members of Geraldton’s Yamaji community. Mr Wyatt wrote to Mr Cowper: “the management of Greenough Prison is of concern to the wider Yamaji community” and “the welfare of Aboriginal prisoners are matters that need to be further investigated.”

The following passage from an article I wrote earlier this year sums up many of the underlying issues for me -President of the Indigenous Social Justice Association, Ray Jackson said he was a toddler when he was forcibly removed from his Aboriginal mother after his father was killed during the Second World War.

“I have lived with so much hate and still do because I was removed from my mother,” Mr Jackson said. “You do not take children away from their parents. Our people cannot continue to be oppressed when rather they should be entitled to what everyone is to.”

Kalgoorlie-Boulder’s Wongi Reverend Geoffrey Stokes said governments did condone Aboriginal families and children living in “abominable squalor and in homelessness” whereas they would not condone such a situation for non-Aboriginal families.

“They know about it but turn a blind-eye. The appalling conditions many of our people live in would not be permitted for non-Aboriginal Australians,” he said.

As my PhD research into Deaths in Custody progressed and through this research visiting and studying Australian custodial systems and their effects with the worst culminating in deaths in custody – the major component of my research was in understanding the disproportionately high levels of Australian deaths in custody (prison, police, immigration custodial related) however all the researching led me back to the incarcerated souls and what located them into prison and many in losing their lives pre-release and many more within the first year post-release – everything led back to trauma – various trauma; situational trauma, predicaments in which people find themselves, the abyss of various traumas, multiple, that are causal to various directions we take in life or are guided to – this is the trauma or the negative social conditions to which many are born in, and not all these conditions are the by-product of familial breakdown and dysfunction however they are the by-products of conditions imposed by the State – so there is a determinism that is long manifest, before our first breath on this earth that for many folk denies them equal opportunity in life from the very beginning of life. These contemplations have led me to inculcate into my research into Australian custodial systems and the study of the effects that culminate in deaths in custody the whole concept of trauma; how the custodial systems – especially prison and police related – are underlain by the need for trauma to induce vicarious circumstance and predicament and various malicious patterns of behaviour and the subsequent responses (reactive) by the various authorities and their management systems.

Healing is a major step in the intervention of trauma, however as a society legislatively we need to move to prevention, in that we reduce, preferably eliminate, hard traumas from the social conditions imposed on many folk by the State, for instance indeed with the Emergency Response Actions in the Northern Territory – I have come to the considered understanding that the majority of Aboriginal folk in the Northern Territory are in a prison like custodial jurisdiction and hence the subsequent trauma, causal, situational, inter-generational, compounded daily by their discrimination, exploitation (be it inadvertent; however authority is hierarchical and its presence is exploitive in terms of the relations of power), and hence the stripping, the erosion, the diminution of peoples’ identities; historical, cultural, contemporary and as human beings – there is the impost of inequality.

The Northern Territory Intervention and Stronger Futures are custodial predicaments and hence the premise to the arguments by many that they are racist occurrences. Statistics indicate that everything since the Military Emergency Response in the Northern Territory have got worse and not better, and similarly with those in the acute localised custodial predicaments of juvenile and adult prisons and immigration detention people upon release from the custody of the State leave worse compared to when they went in.

Not just one, however twelve Northern Territory Elders, twelve out of twelve, said to me that the Intervention is a prison, and that they do not just live in prison-like conditions however in an actual prison, in that they see the warden, the guards, and in that they can see the walls, the bars, and the heavy metal doors. One said that when he sees his community’s youth drift, their aimless roam, the suffering from the despair of inebriation, when they scream back at the State and for those that sometimes displace anger on their own folk, when they see them die young in the confrontational personal witness of community or in the isolation of various custody such as a police or prison cell that it is no different to being in a built prison, in a locked cell, during lock-down which is generally twelve hours a day, and hearing fellow inmates crying out from other cells, in various meltdown, and then the next morning a guard finding one of the prisoners dead – similarly with the brutality of the Northern Territory Intervention, youth is found dead or in the abyss of despair and there is little than can be done because the brutality to the human identity, in stripping people of their right to be equal among everyone, in the forbidding of Aboriginal advancement by Aboriginal peoples, is a horrific contemporary brutality. The trauma of the Intervention shall eventually be much studied, sadly and patronisingly so, by the ensuing generation of academics and it will be found equivalent in trauma and damage to the Stolen Generations, and the Stolen Wages tragedies, to the Apartheid that many Aboriginal peoples lived in this country more than one and a half centuries.

An Elder said to me, “We are not boss of our people, we are not boss of us, our ways are looked down and young people and rich people come in here and tell us we are nothing, we are no good and that they know better.”

Another Elder said, “They tell us all these things that have happened in our town that we never saw happen not till they came and told us so. There were not these bad things they said but now there are. Our people are getting sick because of them and our young don’t care anymore. They have come here and caused so much trouble.”

And another Elder said, “They keep us poor for so long, no electricity, no nothing, houses they would not live in, they always refused us funding for anything we applied for and now they come here to show us like we are children how to do what they never gave us a chance to do.”

And another Elder said, “They are killing our children, look at our suicides, the numbers make the heart cry, can they not see what they have done? They are not doing any good just bad.”

And another Elder said, “They want our land, and they take it, they move our people to prisons inside prisons. All Northern Territory is a prison, and the towns prison in prison.”

The Aboriginal population of the Northern Territory is 80,000 out of a total population of 230,000, and therefore comprises just shy of 30% of the total population, however Aboriginal peoples make up 84% of the total prison population of the Northern Territory – the Northern Territory’s Aboriginal peoples are the world’s most incarcerated peoples. The Emergency Response has been not only a total failure, however an abject disaster with a litany of youth suicides, community breakdown, increasing youth unemployment, trauma and multiple traumas many of which shall encumber folk life-long, many irrecoverable and many which will contribute to self-harm by one destructive means or another and in far too many instances shall manifest flagrant suicide attempts.

2012 has brought more ups and downs for myself, and hopefully some of my journalism, my preparedness to run with the stories that no-one else was prepared to cover is some sort of contribution in making come true John Rowesthorne’s and Stephen Hagan’s urge to give ‘voice to the voiceless.’ In the end we are all brothers and sisters, and the coalescing of humanity is pivotal in unfolding the comprehensive vocabulary of the human rights and social justice languages. I was heartened this year by various invitations to work alongside my brothers and sisters – one such group was a 12 member Critical Reference Group reporting down the line to the Attorney-General’s Office in securing the funding to put together healing and yarning circles and programs in our prisons – in other words radical prison reforms that work to reduce reoffending and in saving lives by rebuilding them and subsequently those lives within the families and communities around them – in giving rise to the certainty of paths in people’s lives. My invitation to this group was through an Aboriginal body – the group works in line with Aboriginal Terms of Reference (ATR) and has 10 Aboriginal members and two ‘non-Aboriginal’ members in its family. Along the way an external question arose about the two ‘non-Aboriginal’ members on an ATR underlain Aboriginal critical reference group. I stepped back from the group to ensure that its reference remained intact however was brought into the fold after every member of the group insisted, and these two excerpts hearten much wisdom for the coalescing of humanity and our unfolding hopes and aspirations:

“My reasoning to include two non-Aboriginal people as members of the group was based upon the expertise, and professional integrity they hold within the Aboriginal community at a national (Gerry) and State (Alec) level.”

“Gerry has had many years of engagement and involvement in Aboriginal affairs through the work he does in the field of justice and at State and local Aboriginal affairs particularly in WA. I know it has taken years of hard work on your part to be where you are today within the Aboriginal community and accepted into various groups as a family member.”

“I can’t wait to have you and your family included in the invitations to my own families for our big family reunion next year. My brothers are so looking forward to ‘catching up with the brother’, particularly my brother who is down in Redfern.”

When I read this I just could not, and still cannot, put into words how touched I was, and what it made me feel and understand. I sometimes cannot believe the power of the reach we can have, the connections we can make, and the change agency that is within our capacities. I too look forward, deeply so, in catching up with my brothers.

The kind lady who wrote this to me continued, “The Aboriginal Noongars, mainly brothers who I keep in contact with, one of them who is mine and my children’s Elder, and my skin Mothers, whom I consulted regarding your inclusion in the Critical Reference Group, all spoke of your clear and definite understanding of Aboriginal Terms of Reference evidenced by the ‘the way his stories yarn about our business’ was the way it was put to me by one of them. Gerry, you work at times for the National Indigenous Times as a journalist and it was your writing in this national newspaper that was pointed out to me as evidence of your knowledge of ATR, particularly in the area of ‘black deaths in custody’, Aboriginal imprisonment, juvenile crime, family, child protection and the list went on.”

I thank this very prominent Kabi Kabi Elder from Queensland – her words are etched in my soul.

Another member from the group, Darwin based, wrote, “Being Aboriginal does not mean you know everything Aboriginal because as an Aboriginal person we are always learning about each other (many nations). Additionally, our culture is like a second skin, it is infinite and fundamental to us as an Aboriginal person (race), it defines who we are, where we come from, who we know, what our responsibilities and obligations are to each other and with each other. And with many Aboriginal nations across Australia, there comes many rules and protocols that do not need to be explained, but must always be respected.”

“For this project – it is because we are all experts in the ATR field that brought us all together, it was not because we were Aboriginal (which we are) or that we were Aboriginal experts (which we all are) and funny enough it is this ATR expertise that has kept us all motivated because we come from different spaces and concerns. If we were brought together just on Aboriginality then yes Alec and Gerry have sorely missed the boat, and need to go out and get a tan! But, from everything I have read and what (we) have stated – we were all brought together based on our ATR expertise and our legal, justice, rehabilitation, retribution and other skills, for our networks and experiences. Our role and responsibility for this project is to produce the best ATR product that we can from the Aboriginal community which both Alec and Gerry are and which the Aboriginal community have vouched for them, and for the Aboriginal community.”

“I believe we must accept that (our sponsors) have put forward the best team sourced from within the Aboriginal community from around Australia, therefore it is not our right to judge, rather it is our right to ensure we get the best from everyone by sharing, solving and championing ATR through our own networks and through this project.”

“As (our sponsors) proposed to the Attorney-General’s Department as part of their strategy that they would establish and be guided by a National Aboriginal & Islander Critical Reference Group, this is exactly what (our sponsors) have produced. Do we have to define and label us individually as being Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal members, including all our expertise? No, we should not.”

“To date, Gerry’s and Alec’s contributions to this project have been invaluable and in the end result, they should be acknowledged as being members of the National Aboriginal & Islander Critical Reference Group and not written off as non-Aboriginal experts/contributors.”

With the support of those I stand alongside with and work with hence I am guided by.

I would like to finish this Big Read, the last one for 2012, with a quote from our good friend for all times, Plato – “Be kind, everyone you meet is fighting a hard battle.”

LINKS:

http://www.theage.com.au/national/pms-staffer-did-not-act-alone-report-2…

http://newmatilda.com/2012/01/31/national-riot-mismanagement-squad

http://www.nit.com.au/news/2282-dont-abandon-us-as-you-did-in-other-roya…

http://www.nit.com.au/news/2074-mining-plan-anger.html

http://www.nit.com.au/news/1972-cape-yorks-wasted-millions-says-sarra.html

http://nit.com.au/news/1204-barnetts-legacy-the-kimberleys-homeless-incr…

http://nit.com.au/opinion/1104-people-are-not-the-property-of-people.html

http://nit.com.au/opinion/525-georgatos-my-personal-look-at-the-tent-emb…

http://nit.com.au/news/1846-homelessness-and-suicides-are-growth-industr…

http://nit.com.au/news/1608-what-mining-boom.html

http://nit.com.au/opinion/1825-the-story-of-david-a-goliath-the-yindjiba…

http://nit.com.au/opinion/2095-the-story-of-davida-goliath-the-yindjibar…

Taken in its entirety from Indymedia at http://www.indymedia.org.au/2012/12/11/the-national-indigenous-times-%E2%80%93-%E2%80%98voice-to-the-voiceless%E2%80%99





An Important Message from Brian Butler

7 01 2013

I grow more and more concerned about those amongst us, our own Aboriginal peoples, who are breaching proper conduct and acting against true community control. The holding of illegal Annual General Meetings and wasting money that should rightfully be going to our peoples to enhance their living conditions is intolerable.

I would like to see a National Audit/Inquiry into all the fraud going on within all Non-Government Organisations run by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples. This is where our people are suffering the most to their serious detriment.

I am calling on all people who want something done about this criminal activity to get behind a cause calling for a National Audit/Inquiry so that this practice does not pass on to our children and grandchildren.

It must stop Now!

Today I will be placing an AGENDA ITEM to the National Congress of Australia’s First Peoples (NCAFP) for immediate action.

I only have a short time left on the NCAFP Board and I will face a new election soon, to be conducted sometime this year (2013).

I want to do as much as I can to expose the many crooks within the Aboriginal Industry.

Aboriginal people have been regarded as a soft touch for too long, being ripped off at every opportunity because these crooks know that Government WILL NOT hold Audits or conduct an Inquiry, but when Government want to take action towards our people, when it is convenient for them to show themselves up for the ‘Vote Catch’ from the mainstream, it all of a sudden becomes an urgency!

This year has got to be one for our young children and I want to impress on the whole of society that it is time for serious ACTION!

Yours in Unity through Lateral Love & Spirit of care for all Humankind,

Brian Butler

Mobile: 0419 801 085

Email: lateralloveaustralia@bigpond.com or brian.butler@nationalcongress.com.au

Website: http://www.lateralloveaustralia.com

“The Decade of Lateral Love Around the World 2012 – 2022″

“Zero Tolerance to Lateral Violence & Racism”








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